Auf dieser Webseite ist das Büchlein als e-book für  einen Preis von 0,00 angeboten worden.  Es ist leider nur als englische Version verfügbar.   Kindle-Edition vom 16. Mai 2012.

Belloc ist hochaktuell.   Er lebte vom Ende des 19. Jhd. bis zur Mitte des 20. Jhd. und ist eigentlich bekannter als Autor von Geschichten für Kinder. Was er über die Offizielle Presse und über die Freie Presse sagt, ist heute mehr als je gültig.  Am liebsten hätte ich das ganze Buch in einem Durchgang kopiert, um es hier zu zitieren; ich finde es so gut.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 2-3ff). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Another cognate fruit was what to-day we call Finance, that is, the domination of the State by private Capitalists who, taking advantage of the necessities of the State, fix an increasing mortgage upon the State and work perpetually for fluidity, anonymity, and irresponsibility in their arrangements. It was in England, again, that this began and vigorously began with what I think was the first true “National Debt”; a product contemporary in its origins with industrial Capitalism.

But most interesting of all just now, though but a minor fruit, is the thing called “The Press.” It also began to arise contemporaneously with Capitalism and Finance: it has grown with them and served them. It came to the height of its power at the same modern moment as did they.

Side by side with the development of Capitalism went a change in the Press from its primitive condition to a worse. The development of Capitalism meant that a smaller and a yet smaller number of men commanded the means of production and of distribution whereby could be printed and set before a large circle a news-sheet fuller than the old model.

…in the country a man has true neighbours, whereas the towns are a dust of isolated beings, mentally (and often physically) starved.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 11).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Meanwhile, there had appeared in connection with this new institution, “The Press,” a certain factor of the utmost importance: Capitalist also in origin, and, therefore, inevitably exhibiting all the poisonous vices of Capitalism as its effect flourished from more to more. This factor was subsidy through advertisement.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 11).   Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

But it was clear that this was bound to lead to the paradoxical state of affairs from which we began to suffer in the later nineteenth century.  A paper had for its revenue not only what people paid in order to obtain it, but also what people paid in order to get their wares or needs known through it.  It, therefore, could be profitably produced at a cost greater than its selling price. Advertisement revenue made it possible for a man to print a paper at a cost of 2 d. and sell it at 1 d.   

[d steht hier für den altmodischen Penny der englischen Historie.  Das macht insofern Sinn, als man durch die Werbeanzeigen viel Geld erhält und somit die Zeitung billiger abgeben kann. Heutzutage gibt es ja viele kostenlose Werbezeitungen, die die Briefkästen – und ihre Leser –  mit Müll füllen].

When it was discovered how powerful the effect of suggestion upon the readers of advertisements could be, especially over such an audience as our modern great towns provide (a chaos, I repeat, of isolated minds with a lessening personal experience and with a lessening community of tradition), the value of advertising space rapidly rose.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 13).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

In the first place, if advertisement had come to be the stand-by of a newspaper, the Capitalist owning the sheet would necessarily consider his revenue from advertisement before anything else. He was indeed compelled to do so unless he had enormous revenues from other sources, and ran his paper as a luxury costing a vast fortune a year.  For in this industry the rule is either very great profits or very great and rapid losses–losses at the rate of £ 100,000 at least in a year where a great daily paper is concerned.   He was compelled then to respect his advertisers as his paymasters. To that extent, therefore, his power of giving true news and of printing sound opinion was limited, even though his own inclinations should lean towards such news and such opinion.

An individual newspaper owner might, for instance, have the greatest possible dislike for the trade in patent medicines. He might object to the swindling of the poor which is the soul of that trade. He might himself have suffered acute physical pain through the imprudent absorption of one of those quack drugs. But he certainly could not print an article against them, nor even an article describing how they were made, without losing a great part of his income, directly; and, perhaps, indirectly, the whole of it, from the annoyance caused to other advertisers, who would note his independence and fear friction in their own case.

He would prefer to retain his income, persuade his readers to buy poison, and remain free (personally) from touching the stuff he recommended for pay. As with patent medicines so with any other matter whatsoever that was advertised. However bad, shoddy, harmful, or even treasonable the matter might be, the proprietor was always at the choice of publishing matter which did not affect him, and saving his fortune, or refusing it and jeopardizing his fortune. He chose the former course.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 15-16).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

The advertiser came to see that he could actually dictate policy and opinion; and that he had also another most powerful and novel weapon in his hand, which was the suppression of news.

The newspaper owner and the advertiser, then, were intermixed. But on the balance the advertising interest being wider spread was the stronger, and what you got was a sort of imposition, often quite conscious and direct, of advertising power over the Press;

Sometimes there is an open battle between the advertiser and the proprietor, especially when, as is the case with framers of artificial monopolies, both combatants are of a low, cunning, and unintelligent type. Minor friction due to the same cause is constantly taking place.

Sometimes the victory falls to the newspaper proprietor, more often to the advertiser–never to the public.  So far, we see the growth of the Press marked by these characteristics. (1) It falls into the hands of a very few rich men, and nearly always of men of base origin and capacities. (2) It is, in their hands, a mere commercial enterprise.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 19). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

But there is now a graver corruption at work even than this always negative and sometimes positive power of the advertiser.  It is the advent of the great newspaper owner as the true governing power in the political machinery of the State, superior to the officials in the State, nominating ministers and dismissing them, imposing policies, and, in general, usurping sovereignty–all this secretly and without responsibility.

It is the chief political event of our time and is the peculiar mark of this country to-day.

Its full development has come on us suddenly and taken us by surprise in the midst of a terrible war. It was undreamt of but a few years ago. It is already to-day the capital fact of our whole political system. A Prime Minister is made or deposed by the owner of a group of newspapers, not by popular vote or by any other form of open authority.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 20-21).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Das erinnert doch fatal an die letzten US-Präsidentenwahlen oder die Planung der nächsten Landtags- und Bundestagswahlen.  Auch der Skandal über Ex-General Petraeus  und seine Liebelei mit einer Angestellten gehört in solche Betrachtungen.  Wobei sich solche Männer noch nicht einmal entblöden,  ihre gealterten und langjährigen Ehefrauen vor die Kameras zu  ziehen.  „Stand by your man!“ Die  unglückliche Ehefrau besagten Don Juans hat ein liebes Gesicht, ich hätte sie am liebsten in die Arme genommen und getröstet, als ich den Bericht im TV sah.

Und solchen Menschen vertrauen wir in Kriegen und Institutionen Menschenleben an. Nun ja, die  Verluste an Menschenleben  dürfen wir immer wieder im Fernsehen bestaunen.

Aber weiter mit der „Freien Presse“.  Nach der Lesart des immer noch aktuellen Autors Belloc ist Freiheit und Wahrheit  nicht vorhanden in der von wenigen  Oligopolisten geleiteten Elite-Presse, also der unfreien verlogenen Presse.  Er sprach vor etwa 80 Jahren über   alternative Information außerhalb der Werbewirtschaft.   Heute wäre er vermutlich entzückt über das Internet und unsere Bloggergemeinschaft, wenn sie gut recherchierte und wahre Informationen verbreiten.

A man controlling a newspaper can print any folly or falsehood he likes. He is the dictator: not his public.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 22). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

For the strength of a newspaper owner lies in his power to deceive the public and to withhold or to publish at will hidden things: his power in this terrifies the professional politicians who hold nominal authority: in a word, the newspaper owner controls the professional politician because he can and does blackmail the professional politician, especially upon his private life.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 30).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Our interest is in the degree to which news can be suppressed or garbled, particular discussion of interest to the common-wealth suppressed, spontaneous opinion boycotted, and artificial opinion produced.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 31).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Within the guild of the journalists, there is not a man who could not give you a hundred examples of deliberate suppression and deliberate falsehood by his employers both as regards news important to the nation and as regards great bodies of opinion.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 32).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

The few owners of the Press will not turn off the limelight and make a brief, accurate statement about these mediocrities, because their power to govern depends upon keeping in the limelight the men whom they control.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 33). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Wenn wir über die Unruhen aus wirtschaftlichen Gründen und Kriege hören, die  wir gegenwärtig aus neo-kolonialistischen Interessen erleben, sind wir häufig überrascht. Wir waren von unserer öffentlich-rechtlichen Presse nicht vorgewarnt worden.

To understand why a vast domestic dispute has arisen is the very first necessity for a sound civic judgment. But we never get it. The event always comes upon us with violence and is always completely misunderstood–because the Press has boycotted the men’s claims. 

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 34).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

They did not know the plain truth that the provocation was the masters’, and that the men were turned out of employment, that is deprived of access to the Capitalist stores of food and all other necessaries, wantonly and avariciously by the masters. The Press would not print that enormous truth.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 35).   Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

This Capitalist Press has come at last to warp all judgment. The tiny oligarchy which controls it is irresponsible and feels itself immune. It has come to believe that it can suppress any truth and suggest any falsehood. It governs, and governs abominably: and it is governing thus in the midst of a war for life.

The new governing Press is an oligarchy which still works “in with” the just-less-new parliamentary oligarchy. This connection has developed in the great Capitalist papers a certain character which can be best described by the term “Official.”

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 36). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Als Engländer aus dem vorletzten Jahrhundert  spricht er hier die englische Tradition an:

The regime under which we are now living is that of a Plutocracy which has gradually replaced the old Aristocratic tradition of England.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 36-37).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

But our “official Press” (for it is no less) covers the whole field. It has in the region of the great newspapers no competitor; indeed, it has no competitors at all, save that small Free Press …,

die wir heute im Internet nur bei Bloggern finden können.   Darum würde ich mich freuen, wenn sich mehr und mehr arbeitslose Journalisten unserer Bloggerbewegung mit ihrem Wissen um die unterdrückten Wahrheiten anschließen würden.

Is not everything which the regime desires to be suppressed, suppressed? Is not everything which it desires suggested, suggested? And is there any public question which would weaken the regime, and the discussion of which is ever allowed to appear in the great Capitalist journals?

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 38).   Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

All the vices, all the unreality, and all the peril that goes with the existence of an official Press is stamped upon the great dailies of our time. They are not independent where Power is concerned. They do not really criticize. They serve a clique whom they should expose, and denounce and betray the generality–that is the State–for whose sake the salaried public servants should be perpetually watched with suspicion and sharply kept in control.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 39-40). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Es ist erstaunlich, wie ein Mann wie Belloc bereits vor langer Zeit erwartete, dass sich letztendlich eine “Free Press”  gegen  “the Official Press” durchsetzen würde.

Here I touch the core of my matter. Side by side with what I have called “the Official Press” in our top-heavy plutocracy there has arisen a certain force for which I have a difficulty in finding a name, but which I will call for lack of a better name “the Free Press.” I might call it the “independent” Press were it not that such a word would connote as yet a little too much power, though I do believe its power to be rising, and though I am confident that it will in the near future change our affairs.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 42). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Zu seiner Zeit war es gewiss eine Frage der Verbreitung von unabhängiger Meinung. Er konnte ja noch nichts vom Internet wissen, dessen wir uns heute bedienen können.  (Ich wünschte mir, dass es Konkurrenz zum WordWideWeb geben würde, damit unsere Blogs nicht einfach verschwinden, wenn jemand auf die Idee kommt, das Internet abzuschalten.  Die Russen und Chinesen könnten da als Retter der Meinungsfreiheit – zumindest im Westen –  fungieren).

In France and in England, and for all I know elsewhere, there has arisen in protest against the complete corruption and falsehood of the great Capitalist papers a crop of new organs which are in the strictest sense of the word “organs of Opinion.”

I propose to examine the nature of that movement which I call “The Free Press,” to analyse the disabilities under which it suffers, and to conclude with my conviction that it is, in spite of its disabilities, not only a growing force, but a salutary one, and, in a certain measure, a conquering one.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 43). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

The rise of what I have called “The Free Press” was due to a reaction against what I have called “The Official Press.” But this reaction was not single in motive. Three distinct moral motives lay behind it and converged upon it.

The first motive apparent, coming much earlier than either of the other two, was the motive of  (A) Propaganda.

The second motive was  (Indignation against the concealment of Truth, and the third motive was (C) Indignation against irresponsible power: the sense of oppression which an immoral irresponsibility in power breeds among those who are unhappily subject to it.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 44).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

A generation ago and more, great numbers of men were persuaded that a solution for the whole complex of social injustice was to be found in what they called “nationalizing the means of production, distribution, and exchange.”

That is, of course, in plain English, putting land, houses, and machinery, and stores of food and clothing into the hands of the politicians for control in use and for distribution in consumption.    (Heute nennt man das Agenda 21).

This creed was held with passionate conviction by men of the highest ability in every country of Europe;  and a Socialist Press began to arise, which was everywhere free, and soon in active opposition to the Official Press. Again (of a religious temper in their segregation, conviction and enthusiasm) there began to appear (when the oppressor was mild), the small papers defending the rights of oppressed nationalities.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 47). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Kleine Assoziation meinerseits: Was ist aus dem Sozialismus der Fabian Society geworden?  Wie tief die Sozialisten gesunken sind, zeigt diese Aussage von Belloc: ….. the Fabian Society has itself abandoned Collectivism in favour of forced labour….

Davon gelernt haben Schröder, Fischer, Grüne,  später Merkel, FDP mit Auswirkungen wie Hartz IV, zwangsverordneten 1 Euro-Jobs,  Praktikantenausbeutung unserer jungen Akademiker !   Sollen wir uns darüber freuen?     Der große gesellschaftlich verträglich Entwurf muss aus unserer Blogger-Mitte kommen.  Dazu sind wieder die Fachleute aus der untergehenden Öffentlichen Presse herzlich mit ihrem Wissen eingeladen.

Weiter mit Belloc:

There was more than this. For long the owner of a newspaper had for the most part been content to regard it as a revenue-producing thing. The editor was supreme in matters of culture and opinion. True, the editor,  being revocable and poor, could not pretend to full political power. But it was a sort of dual arrangement which yet modified the power of the vulgar owner. I myself remember that state of affairs: the editor who was a gentleman and dined out, the proprietor who was a lord and nervous when he met a gentleman. It changed in the nineties of the last century or the late eighties. It had disappeared by the 1900’s. The editor became (and now is) a mere mouthpiece of the proprietor.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 53-54).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Hallo, Ihr arbeitslosen Presseleute, die jetzt endlich ehrlich berichten dürfen in unserer Bloggergemeinschaft, hört zu, was Belloc von Euch hält und wo er Euren Platz vermutet:

Why should this or that vulgarian (men began to say) exercise (and boast of!) the power to keep the people ignorant upon matters vital to us all? To distort, to lie? The sheer necessity of getting certain truths told, which these powerful but hidden fellows refused to tell, was a force working at high potential and almost compelling the production of Free Papers side by side with the big Official ones. That is why you nearly always find the Free Press directed by men of intelligence and cultivation–of exceptional intelligence and cultivation.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 54-55). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

It is bad enough to be governed by an aristocracy or a monarch whose executive power is dependent upon legend in the mass of the people; it is humiliating enough to be thus governed through a sort of play-acting instead of enjoying the self-government of free men. It is worse far to be governed by a clique of Professional Politicians bamboozling the multitude with a pretence of “Democracy.” But it is intolerable that similar power should reside in the hands of obscure nobodies about whom no illusion could possibly exist, whose tyranny is not admitted or public at all, who do not even take the risk of exposing their features, and to whom no responsibility whatever attaches. The knowledge that this was so provided the third, and, perhaps, the most powerful motive for the creation of a Free Press.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 55-56).   Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Belloc  spricht jetzt über kritikfähige Leser:

They  had a general conception that the owner of a widely circulated popular newspaper could, and did, blackmail the professional politician: make or unmake the professional politician by granting or refusing him the limelight; dispose of Cabinets; nominate absurd Ministers. But the particular, vivid, concrete instances that specially move men to action were hidden from them.

Only a small number of people were acquainted with such particular truths. But that small number knew very well that we were thus in reality governed by men responsible to no one, and hidden from public blame. The determination to be rid of such a secret monopoly of power compelled a reaction: and that reaction was the Free Press. 

Die zu erwartenden Schwierigkeiten für diese freie Form des Journalismus:

1.……begin by going against the stream…..

2.    In the second place they suffered from that character of particularism or “crankiness,” which was a necessary result of their Propagandist character.

3.  In the third place–and this is most important–they suffered economically. They were unable to present to their readers all that their readers expected at the price. This was because they were refused advertisement subsidy and were boycotted.

4.  In the fourth place, for reasons that will be apparent in a moment, they suffered from lack of information. To these four main disabilities the Free Papers in this country added a fifth peculiarly our own; they stood in peril from the arbitrary power of the Political Lawyers.Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 58). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Der nächste Punkt ist nicht mehr ganz so relevant, solange das Internet uns erhalten bleibt. Leider liegt die Restriktion nun in der Leserschaft selber: Sie ist einer Gehirnwäsche unterzogen worden, die sie so verdummt hat, dass sie Texte, das geschriebene bzw. anzuhörende Wort  nicht mehr begreifen kann.

In the same connection you have the disability of a restricted audience.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 64).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Die Unterstützung durch gutwillige Autoren ist denkbar,   kommt jedoch doch auf relativ wackeligen Beinen daher:

In part the Free Press is indirectly supported by a subsidy from its own writers. Men whose writing commands high payment will contribute to the Free Press sometimes for small fees, usually for nothing; but, at any rate, always well below their market prices. But contribution of that kind is always precarious, and, if I may use the word, jerky.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 66-67). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Was Belloc nicht wusste, ist die Tatsache, dass heute die Offizielle Presse auch nicht mehr hinauszieht, um Fakten zu recherchieren.  Sie verlässt sich auf die zugespielten Informationen von Presseagenturen wie Reuters, DPA, ADN und vielen anderen.  Oder sie fälschen ganze Situationen wie CNN. Deren Berichterstattung aus den Gebieten in der Golfregion während der Kriege waren Schaustücke der Lächerlichkeit.  Blaue Bettlaken ersetzten den blauen Himmel.  Sie hatten noch die Bügelfalten drin.

At the same time, the Economic difficulty prevents the Free Press from paying for information difficult to be obtained, and under these twin disabilities it remains heavily handicapped.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 69). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Jetzt spricht Belloc die Macht der Rechtsanwälte und Ärzte-Pharma an:

Such guilds as we still have among us (possessed of a Charter giving them a monopoly, and, therefore, making them in “The New Age”  phrase “black-leg proof”) are confined, of course, to the privileged wealthier classes. The two great ones with which we are all familiar are those of the Doctors and of the Lawyers.

But even the Guild of the Doctors is not so powerful as that of the Lawyers, qua guild alone. Its administrative power makes it far more powerful.

[er meint oben im Text seine Zeitung, die mit New Age, wie wir es heutzutage verstehen, nicht verwechselt werden darf.]

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 71). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Das Problem, dass Rechtsanwälte die Gesetze machen, geht ja heutzutage so weit, dass die Lobbyisten die Gesetze im Auftrag ihrer Industrien schreiben. Das Parlament muss die Texte nur noch abnicken.  Und das geht mit erster, zweiter und dritter Lesung manchmal innerhalb von knapp einer Minute durch.

One need not be in Parliament many days to discover that moust laws are made and all revised by members of this Guild. Parliament is, as a drafting body, virtually a Committee of Lawyers who are indifferent to the figment of representation which still clings to the House of Commons.

The lawyers decide in the last resort on the freedom of speech and writing among their fellow-citizens, and as their Guild is now unhappily intertwined with the whole machinery of Executive Government ….

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 75). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Now, it is evident that, of all forms of civic activity, writing upon the Free Press most directly challenges this arbitrary power. There is not an editor responsible for the management of any Free Paper who will not tell you that a thousand times he has had to consider whether it were possible to tell a  particular truth, however important that truth might be to the commonwealth.  And the fear which restrains him is the fear of destruction which the combination of the professional politician, and lawyer holds in its hand.

There is not one such editor who could not bear witness to the numerous occasions on which he had, however courageous he might be, to forgo the telling of a truth which was of vital value, because its publication would involve the destruction of the paper he precariously controlled. There is no need to labour all this. The loss of freedom we have gradually suffered is quite familiar to all of us, and it is among the worst of all the mortal symptoms with which our society is affected.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 76).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Auswirkungen der “Free Press”

The Free Press is really read and digested. The Official Press is not. Its scream is heard, but it provides no food for the mind.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 80).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Über die Macht der Freien Presse:

…the “New Witness.”   The paper was rigidly boycotted and never quoted.  But every one to-day talks, as I have just said, of “The Servile State,” of the “Professional Politician,” of the “Secret Party Funds,” of the Aliases under which men hide, of the Purchase of Honours, Policies and places in the Government, etc., etc.

More than this: one gets to hear of significant manoeuvres, conducted secretly, of course, but showing vividly the weight and effect of the Free Press.

One hears of orders given by a politician which prove his fear of the Free Press: of approaches made by this or that Capitalist to obtain control of a free journal: sometimes of a policy initiated, an official document drawn up, a memorandum filed, which proceeded directly from the advice, suggestion, or argument of a Free Paper which no one but its own readers is allowed to hear of, and of whose very existence the suburbs would be sceptical.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 84-85). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Das Image von  VIPs kann leicht zunichte gemacht werden, wenn man sie endlich persönlich hört und sieht.  Hierüber berichtet Belloc ebenfalls:

Next consider this powerful factor in the business. The truth confirms itself. Half a million people read of a professional politician, for instance, that his oratory has an “electric effect,” or that he is “full of personal magnetism,” or that he “can sway an audience to tears or laughter at will.”

A Free Paper telling the truth about him says that he is a dull speaker, full of commonplaces, elderly, smelling strongly of the Chapel, and giving the impression that he is tired out;  flogging up sham enthusiasm with stale phrases which the reporters have already learnt to put into shorthand with one conventional outline years ago.

Well, the false, the ludicrously false picture designed to put this politician in the limelight (as against favours to be rendered), no doubt remains the general impression with most of those 500,000 people. The simple and rather tawdry truth may be but doubtfully accepted by a few hundreds only. But sooner or later a certain small proportion of the 500,000 actually hear the politician in question. They hear him speak. They receive a primary and true impression.

[welche Enttäuschung das sein muss…]

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (pp. 85-86).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Ämter werden gekauft und vererbt.  Beispiele:  Prescott Bush, Vater Bush, Söhne Bush,  Clinton  und Hillary …..

A worthy provincial might have been shocked ten years ago to hear that places in the Upper House of Parliament were regularly bought and sold. He might have indignantly denied it The Free Press said: “In some short while you will have a glaring instance of a man who is incompetent and obscure but very rich, appearing as a legislator with permanent hereditary power, transferable to his son after his death.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 90).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Bellocs Ausblick auf die – hoffentlich positive – Wirkung der “Free Press” :

It will succeed at last in getting the truth told pretty openly and pretty thoroughly. It will break down the barrier between the little governing clique in which the truth is cynically admitted and the bulk of educated men and women who cannot get the truth by word of mouth but depend upon the printed word.

We shall, I believe, even within the lifetime of those who have taken part in the struggle; have all the great problems of our time, particularly the Economic problems, honestly debated.

But what I do not see is the avenue whereby the great mass of the people can now be restored to an interest in the way in which they are governed, or even in the re-establishment of their own economic independence.

So far as I can gather from the life around me, the popular appetite for freedom and even for criticism has disappeared.  The wage-earner demands sufficient and regular subsistence, including a system of pensions, and, as part of his definition of subsistence and sufficiency, a due portion of leisure. That he demands a property in the means of production, I can see no sign whatever.

It may come; but all the evidence is the other way. And as for a general public indignation against corrupt government, there is (below the few in the know who either share the swag or shrug their shoulders) no sign that it will be strong enough to have any effect.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 97). Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Such a conclusion might seem to imply that the deliberate and continued labour of truth-telling without reward, and always in some peril, is useless; and that those who have for now so many years given their best work freely for the establishment of a Free Press have toiled in vain, I intend no such implication: I intend its very opposite.

I shall myself continue in the future, as I have in the past, to write and publish in that Press without regard to the Boycott in publicity and in advertisement subsidy which is intended to destroy it and to make all our effort of no effect.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 98).  Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

….. merely in weakening an evil you may soon be, you ultimately will surely be, creating a good:   because self-respect and honour demand it. No man who has the truth to tell and the power to tell it can long remain hiding it from fear or even from despair without ignominy. To release the truth against whatever odds, even if so doing can no longer help the Commonwealth, is a necessity for the soul.  ……

Those who prefer to sell themselves or to be cowed gain, as a rule, not even that ephemeral security for which they betrayed their fellows; meanwhile, they leave to us the only solid and permanent form of political power, which is the gift of mastery through persuasion.

Belloc, Hilaire (2006-03-19). The Free Press (p. 100).   Public Domain Books. Kindle Edition.

Noch ein paar Zitate zum Abschluss: ————————————-

Newspapers are only offered for sale; the purchase of them is not (as yet) compulsorily enforced.

Hoffentlich bleibt das auch in Zukunft so.   Schlimm genug, dass wir uns abends manchmal die Tages/Abendschau ansehen, das reicht an Gehirnwäsche.

Wie tief die Sozialisten gesunken sind, zeigt diese Aussage von Belloc: ….. the Fabian Society has itself abandoned Collectivism in favour of forced labour….